A Report On Police Ethics from THE JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE(2001)

Abstract
This article identifies the characteristics of police officers (officers’ background attributes, arrest activity, and assignment) who most frequently receive complaints from citizens regarding the use of excessive force. The data for the study were obtained from a large mid-western municipal police department. The results show that arrest activity, officer age, and officer gender are most strongly related to the receipt of citizen’s complaints about excessive force and differentiate high-complaint officers from low-complaint officers. Implications of the findings are discussed. D 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
Introduction
The ability to use ‘‘essentially unrestricted’’ coer- cive force lies at the core of the police function; it is this dimension of the police occupation that differ- entiates it from all others (Bittner, 1970). It is because of this core aspect of policing that the ‘‘...inappro- priate use of force is the central problem of contem- porary police misconduct’’ (Kerstetter, 1985, p. 149; Pate & Fridell, 1993). The inappropriate use of force has potentially devastating consequences for the police organization, the public, and the relationship between the police and the community. The goodwill created by community-oriented policing initiatives can be quickly destroyed given a well-publicized incident of police abuse of force. As demonstrated
on several recent occasions, the legitimacy of entire police organizations can be questioned as a result of such incidents (see Skolnick & Fyfe, 1993). Given the deleterious consequences of such inci- dents, it is not surprising that numerous studies have examined the causes, correlates, and control of police use of force; however, most of these analyses focus on police use of ‘‘deadly force,’’ which may or may not involve the actual abuse of force (e.g., Alpert, 1989; Binder & Scharf, 1980; Fyfe, 1988; Jacobs & Britt, 1979). Relatively little research has examined specifically what is perhaps the most significant form of force — that which is deemed excessive or brutal (Adams, 1995; Worden, 1995). Despite the relative rarity of research that exam- ines excessive force, one conclusion that can be drawn with some confidence is that a relatively small number of officers are responsible for a relatively large number of complaints about excessive force (Adams, 1999; Christopher Commission Report,
0047-2352/01/$ – see front matter D 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. PII: S0047-2352(01)00114-3
* Corresponding author. Tel.: +1-414-229-5443; fax: +1-414-229-4851. E-mail address: sgb@uwm.edu (S.G. Brandl).
Journal of Criminal Justice 29 (2001) 521–529
1991; Dugan & Breda, 1991; Lersch & Mieczowski, 1996). In an attempt to reduce the number of such complaints, it is first necessary to identify who these high-rate officers are, what characteristics these offi- cers have in common, and, ultimately, why these officers are subject to complaints with such fre- quency. Indeed, a few studies have attempted to identify who these ‘‘complaint-prone’’ officers are (Croft, 1985; Lersch & Mieczowski, 1996; Scrivner, 1994). It is rare, however, for such studies to look beyond individual characteristics in predicting the frequency with which officers receive complaints of excessive force. Such a narrow focus is problematic in at least two ways: (1) obviously, one cannot assess the impact of other possibly important (but not included) factors, and (2) it is difficult to determine with confidence that the relationships observed are genuine rather than spurious. This article represents a step toward ameliorating this gap in knowledge by examining the role of officers’ background character- istics, job assignments, and arrest activity in the receipt of citizens’ complaints about excessive force.
Theoretical and policy issues
Empirical studies and other discussions that have attempted to explain police use of excessive force have adopted several approaches1: excessive force (and the corresponding complaints that result from such actions) has been viewed broadly as a function of the characteristics of officers, situations, and organizations. Relevant to the primary interest in identifying the characteristics of ‘‘high-complaint’’ officers in this study, provided here is a summary of the literature regarding officers’ background char- acteristics, along with the role of officers’ job assign- ments and arrest activity in predicting use of excessive force complaints.
Officers’ characteristics
Studies that have adopted the individual-level approach rest on the belief that individualistic char- acteristics predispose officers to behave in a partic- ular way. To the extent that characteristics of officers are related to behavioral dispositions, a focus on the officer is important in understanding police decision making and behavior; however, such studies have been, at best, only moderately successful in explain- ing police behavior (Worden, 1989, 1995). Despite the inadequacy of the individual-level approach as an overall explanation of police behav- ior, particular relationships between officers’ charac- teristics and behavior may be significant and may have important policy implications (Worden, 1990).
For example, although officers’ traits (and the pre- sumed associated outlooks) may not be directly manipulated within the organizational setting, the traits identified as being conducive to the preferred policing style or orientation can serve as a basis for selection decisions. For instance, police departments across the country are encouraging officers (through internal incentives or selection standards) to become college-educated — the assumption being that college-educated officers ‘‘perform better’’ (Carter, Sapp, & Stevens, 1989; Geller & Scott, 1992). Research on the relationship between education and performance, and on education and use of excessive force in particular, has produced inconsistent and conflicting findings (see Worden, 1990). Cohen and Chaiken (1972) found that more educated officers were less likely to be the subjects of citizen complaints in general, and Cascio (1977) found that officers with higher levels of education were the subjects of fewer allegations of excessive force. In contrast, Croft (1985) found no differences by educa- tional level in her comparison of high- and low- excessive force complaint officers. Worden (1995) found that officers with bachelor’s degrees were actually more likely to use reasonable force and just as likely to use improper force as officers without bachelor’s degrees. In a related vein, many police departments are operating under a re-energized mandate of dramati- cally increasing the representation of female officers — with at least the partial intent of fostering a more ‘‘kind and gentle’’ policing orientation (see Skolnick & Fyfe, 1993, p. 137). Most researchers have found that gender does exert an influence on police behavior (cf. Alpert & Dunham, 1999; Worden, 1995). Bloch and Anderson (1974) found that female officers initiated fewer citizen encounters and made fewer felony and misdemeanor arrests. Morash and Greene (1986) also found that female officers made fewer arrests than male officers. Since most instances of excessive force occur during the course of arrest (Adams, 1999), it is not surprising that females are less likely to be the subjects of complaints of exces- sive force (Christopher Commission Report, 1991). Not only may females be less likely to be the subjects of excessive force complaints as a result of their arrest activity, but researchers have also suggested that female officers are more adept at avoiding violence and de-escalating potentially violent situations (Alpert & Dunham, 1999; Grennan, 1987; Milton, 1980). In any case, while the relationship between gender and complaints about excessive force is rather clear, the reasons for the relationship are subject to debate (Worden, 1993). Findings with regard to the relationship between race and excessive force are not as clear-cut. Some
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theorists have argued that officers of color may take a more understanding approach in their interactions with members of racial minority groups (e.g., Mann, 1993). For example, as explained by Fyfe (1988):
Champions of representativeness in policing ...have long argued that one of the most promising routes to reducing police–citizen violence is to increase the percentage of minority officers. Presumably these officers are attuned more closely to the problems and folkways of the minority citizens who are dispropor- tionally the subjects of police deadly force and police attention generally (p. 195).
The empirical literature, however, lends little support to this claim. Garner, Schade, Hepburn, and Buchanan (1995) and Worden (1995) found that race was not predictive of use of force. Other studies have found that minority officers are more likely to be the subjects of complaints about excessive force (Gray, 1998), and that officers are more likely to use force against suspects of their own race (Alpert & Dunham, 1999). Some researchers have argued that these findings are an artifact of job assignment. Minority officers are commonly assigned to high-crime neigh- borhoods, which places them with greater frequency in situations that may require the use of force (e.g., Fyfe, 1988; Geller & Scott, 1992). Attention has also been given to officers’ age and length of service. Several studies have demonstrated that younger officers are more ‘‘active’’ than older officers. In particular, younger officers initiate more contacts, do more preventive patrolling, and record more crime reports (Crank, 1993; Friedrich, 1980; Sherman, 1980). One side effect of increased activity is that officers may find themselves more frequently in situations where they need to use force (Adams, 1999). Other researchers, however, have concluded that age does not matter in explaining use of force (Bayley & Garafalo, 1989; Worden, 1995). Besides the numerous incongruent and conflict- ing findings evident in the literature regarding offi- cers’ background characteristics, another problem (and perhaps a cause of at least some of the incon- gruities) was that most studies of police use of excessive force have examined officers’ attributes without considering important mediating variables, such as the characteristics of jobs to which officers were assigned or officers’ arrest activity. These variables are discussed below.
Job characteristics
Some literature suggest that officers’ use of exces- sive force is a function of the nature of the job, specifically the degree of specialization in the job and the crime level of the patrol beat to which officers are
assigned. With regard to job specialization, it has been argued that specialization encourages competi- tion among units and this, in turn, leads to abuse (Skolnick & Fyfe, 1993, p. 189). Further, the goal of specialized units, such as drug squads and gang units, is often to increase arrests. As the argument goes, when arrests by ‘‘any means necessary’’ are encour- aged, a ‘‘siege mentality’’ may develop, and this may encourage further the abuse of force (Skolnick & Fyfe, 1993). Unfortunately, there were no studies that empirically examined this proposition. With regard to the characteristics of the patrol beat, one might expect that high-crime areas foster conditions where the use of force is more frequently necessary (Toch, 1995). Similarly, it may be that officers are more likely to use (excessive) force in areas where residents are seen as most deserving of such police action and are least powerful in protecting themselves from it (Geller & Scott, 1992).
Arrest activity
Yet another argument is that the use of excessive force is a function of officers’ arrest activity. From this perspective, physical arrests put officers at risk of having to use force and having this force perceived as ‘‘excessive’’ by suspects and others. According to this reasoning, citizens’ complaints of excessive force are a byproduct of arrests. As Toch (1995) proposes, ‘‘an officer may be highly productive and may initiate a larger-than-usual amount of enforcement activity. He may disrupt the felonious plans of many disgrun- tled (and complaint-prone) offenders’’ (p. 100). Indeed, the existing research would lead one to believe that this is true; when force is used by the police, it is usually in arrest situations (Adams, 1999). In summary, the literature contained many as- sumptions about factors that contribute to officers’ use of excessive force. When these assumptions were subject to empirical tests, the results often were unsupportive, inconsistent, or even contradictory. This article brings additional empirical evidence to the understanding of the relationship between police officers’ background attributes, arrest activity, assign- ment, and citizens’ complaints about excessive force. With the accumulation of such evidence, one may develop a more complete understanding of the char- acteristics of complaint-prone officers.
Methodological issues
There are a number of methods that can be used to collect data on police behavior (and excessive force in particular), but each has limitations and biases (Adams, 1995; Garner et al., 1995). For example,
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the observational approach will invariably lead to problems associated with trying to observe uncom- mon events (Bayley & Garafalo, 1989). This is particularly true given the common research conclu- sion that police use of excessive force (and physical force generally) is a rare event (Adams, 1999). Another significant concern with data collected through observation is reactivity (Mastrofski & Parks, 1990). As for self-report data, they will likely reflect problems of distortion and compliance (see Alpert, Kenney, & Dunham, 1997). Little question, depart- mental records, such as use of force reports, will also have problems of intentional distortion and compli- ance (Adams, 1995). Citizen complaints as a source of data, as used in this study, raised at least two other important issues. The first issue related to the complaint process and the relative difficulty of filing a complaint against an officer. It was important to realize that the complaint receipt and investigation processes, which were largely controlled by the police themselves, may have a substantial impact on the resulting data. No question, it was more difficult to file a complaint in some departments than in others. Further, given the possible hurdles to be navigated in filing a com- plaint, citizens (or certain groups of citizens) may typically be less willing or interested in filing complaints against officers. While this issue may have had the most impact on data in a cross- departmental comparison, which was not the case here, the issue needs to be considered in evaluating the resulting data of this study. The second issue related to definitional matters. In essence, the question is ‘‘What constitutes excessive force?’’ The literature offers definitions and discus- sions of various forms of force (improper force, unnecessary force, brutality, force used excessively, excessive force, among others) (see Adams, 1995; Garner & Maxwell, 1999; National Institute of Jus- tice, 1999; Skolnick & Fyfe, 1993). Definitions aside, what constituted various forms of force — and what differentiated one from another — was a matter of perspective. Police officers may have a perspective on what is appropriate force that differs from researchers as well as from citizens (especially those citizens upon which force was used). On one hand, the distinctions between different forms of force may be useful, as different forms of force may be influ- enced by different factors and remedied with different interventions (Worden, 1995). On the other hand, one may argue that these distinctions were not important because, from a citizen’s perspective, it was immate- rial if the police used ‘‘excessive’’ or ‘‘unnecessary’’ force (as defined empirically or legally) — what matters was that the citizen perceived unfair, unjust, or otherwise unequal treatment from the police, and it
was this perception that may have carried dysfunc- tional consequences for the police and the relation- ship between the police and the community. So what is excessive force? As discussed below, in this study, excessive force was measured as it was perceived (and reported) by citizens, and as categorized by the police department from which the data were obtained.
Method
The data for this study were collected from a large mid-western municipal police department. The pop- ulation that the police department served was approx- imately 45 percent White and 40 percent African– American. The largest segment of the workforce was engaged in the service industry with government being the second largest employer. The unemploy- ment rate was usually slightly higher than the national average. In 1993 (the year of this study), there were 2,529 violent crimes reported per 100,000 persons (not including rape as those statistics were not avail- able) and 5,926 property crimes per 100,000 persons (not including larceny theft) (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 1994). In the study department, citizens could file complaints alleging police misconduct at any of the district stations. These complaints should be written and filed in person by the person alleging the misconduct or his/her representative. Citizens’ complaints about police use of excessive force were investigated by civilian personnel employed by the department and assigned to a designated unit of the police department. The Internal Affairs Unit of the police department was responsible for investigating other allegations of police misconduct, not complaints about excessive force. For the most serious sustained cases, a citizen review board could become involved in determining the proper sanctions for officers and could make sanction recommendations to the chief. As part of the routine data collection and storage capabilities of the agency, the department maintained all sworn officers’ personnel information on the departmental computer system. These records included data on background characteristics of offi- cers (sex, race, education, age, length of service)2, officers’ unit of assignment (patrol, narcotics, gang crimes), patrol area assignment (precinct), number of The data for this study were collected from a large mid-western municipal police department. The pop- ulation that the police department served was approx- imately 45 percent White and 40 percent African– American. The largest segment of the workforce was engaged in the service industry with government being the second largest employer. The unemploy- ment rate was usually slightly higher than the national average. In 1993 (the year of this study), there were 2,529 violent crimes reported per 100,000 persons (not including rape as those statistics were not avail- able) and 5,926 property crimes per 100,000 persons (not including larceny theft) (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 1994). In the study department, citizens could file complaints alleging police misconduct at any of the district stations. These complaints should be written and filed in person by the person alleging the misconduct or his/her representative. Citizens’ complaints about police use of excessive force were investigated by civilian personnel employed by the department and assigned to a designated unit of the police department. The Internal Affairs Unit of the police department was responsible for investigating other allegations of police misconduct, not complaints about excessive force. For the most serious sustained cases, a citizen review board could become involved in determining the proper sanctions for officers and could make sanction recommendations to the chief. As part of the routine data collection and storage capabilities of the agency, the department maintained all sworn officers’ personnel information on the departmental computer system. These records included data on background characteristics of offi- cers (sex, race, education, age, length of service)2, officers’ unit of assignment (patrol, narcotics, gang crimes), patrol area assignment (arrests made (index arrests, total arrests; as deter- mined by arrest reports filed), and the aggregate number of citizen complaints received. These data were recorded and maintained on an annual basis. All data analyzed in this study were for the year of 1993. In this department, citizens’ complaints about excessive force were categorized into ten groups:
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(1) menaced verbally,3 (2) menaced physically, (3) menaced with weapon, (4) handled roughly, (5) handcuffs too tight, (6) battery with fist, (7) battery with object, (8) battery with pistol, (9) battery: shot, and (10) battery: other. Unfortunately, only the aggregate number of complaints received by each officer was available in the personnel file and the investigative dispositions of the complaints were not specified. In 1993, there were 2,868 complaints received by the police department that were classi- fied into these ten categories.4 Three groups of officers were selected for analysis in this study. First, a random sample (n=800) of all police officers assigned to patrol and specialized units (gang crimes and narcotics) was selected (i.e., ‘‘all officer sample’’). The second group consisted of a random sample (n=600) of officers who received two or less citizen complaints that alleged an act of excessive force in 1993 (‘‘low-complaint officer sample’’). The third group consisted of all officers (n=200) who received three or more use of excessive force complaints in 1993.5 These 200 officers received a total of 717 complaints,6 or 25 percent of the total number of citizen complaints of excessive force filed in 1993. At the same time, this subset of officers constituted less than 10 percent of all officers employed in the department. A comparison of the high-complaint officer group and the low-complaint officer group allowed one to identify how high-complaint officers differed from low-complaint officers. Further, separate analyses of the ‘‘all officer sample’’ allowed one to identify the impact of the individual, assignment, and arrest variables on the number of excessive force com- plaints received by officers. As such, the data were analyzed first by comparing distributions of variables across the high- and low-complaint officer groups (using t tests), then examining the correlations between variables, and finally by estimating an OLS regression equation with the number of citizen complaints received as the dependent variable.
Results
Table 1 allows for a comparison of the character- istics of low- and high-complaint officers. Table 1 shows that high-complaint officers are significantly more likely to be younger, less experienced, and assigned to the highest crime areas7 compared to the low-complaint officers. The most striking differ- ence between high- and low-complaint officers is with respect to arrest activity: high-complaint officers made twice as many index arrests and nearly three times as many total arrests as their low-complaint counterparts. Finally, while there are no meaningful
differences across educational level or assignment, there is a substantive (but still not significant) differ-
Table 1 Background characteristics, job assignment, arrest activity, and complaints received for low-complaint officers and high-complaint officersa
Variable
Low-complaint officer sample (n=600)
High-complaint officer population (n=200)
Gender 1=Female 17.5 3.0 2=Male 82.5 97.0 t value=0.05
Race 1=White 65.2 46.5 2=Minority 34.8 53.5 t value=3.8
Education 1=Completed high school
43.2b 41.3c
2=Some college 39.6 43.9 3=College degree/more 17.1 14.8 t value=0.0
Mean age (range) 40.0 (22–61) 34.9 (24–53) t value=24.29**
Mean length of service (range)
12.3 (1–35) 7.3 (1–26)
t value=23.81**
Assignment 1=Specialized unit 9.8 8.5 2=Patrol unit 90.2 91.5 t value=0.01
Patrol area 1=Lower-crime areas 44.4d 37.2e 2=Highest-crime areas 55.6 62.8 t value=4.33**
Mean index arrests (range)
12.8 (0–77) 24.2 (0–94)
t value=36.77**
Mean total arrests (range)
62.9 (0–374) 177.8 (0–553)
t value=136.70** a Percentages are listed. b n =525. c n =196. d n=541. e N =183. * P<.05. ** P <.01.
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ence across gender; males are over-represented among high-complaint officers. Table 2 shows the zero-order correlations between the variables of interest for the ‘‘all officer sample.’’8 In Table 2, it is seen that officer gender (r =.08; P < .05), officer age (r = .23; P <.01), length of service (r= .20; P<.01), and number of index arrests made (r=.31; P<.01) are most closely related to the number of complaints received. Again, male officers, those who are younger and have less experience, and those who made more index arrests are the most likely to receive com- plaints about excessive force. The zero-order correlations also allow for an examination of the relationships between variables traditionally included in an individual-level approach (i.e., race, gender, age, education, length of service) and other variables (i.e., job characteristics and arrest activity) that may mediate their effect on citizen complaints. With regard to race, Table 2 shows that
minority officers are more likely to be assigned to higher-crime areas (r=.27; P<.01); however, minor- ity officers are not more likely to make more arrests (r=.05) nor are minority officers likely to receive more complaints (r=.01). With regard to age, these analyses show that younger, less experienced officers are more likely to make more arrests ( r = .36; P<.01) despite that they are not more likely to be assigned to high-crime areas (r= .02). Finally, edu- cation is not significantly correlated with assignment, patrol area, arrests made, or complaints received. To isolate the impact of each variable on the number of citizen complaints about excessive force, an OLS regression analysis was performed on the ‘‘all officer sample.’’ The results are presented in Table 3.9 Like the earlier analyses, these results show that the number of index arrests made, along with officer age and gender, are predictors of the number of complaints about excessive force; those officers who are younger, who are male, and who
Table 3 OLS regression analysis of complaints received for all officer sample (n=800)
Variable Coefficient Standard error t ratio b
Gender .23 0.08 3.01** .11 Race .04 0.06 0.60 .02 Education .02 0.04 0.50 .02 Age .02 0.00 4.36** .17 Assignment .08 0.10 0.80 .03 Patrol area .02 0.06 0.31 .01 Arrests made .02 0.00 6.78** .25 Constant .61 0.26 2.33 R2 .12 Adjusted R2 .12 n 800
Mean substituted for missing data. * P<.05. ** P <.01 (two-tailed test).
Table 2 Relationships between officers’ characteristics, arrest activity, assignment, and complaints received for all officer sample (n=800)
Gender Race Education Age
Length of service Assignment
Patrol area
Arrests made
Complaints received
Gender 1.0 Race 0.07 1.0 Education 0.02 0.10* 1.0 Age 0.23** 0.18* 0.19** 1.0 Length of service 0.32** 0.29* 0.19** 0.85** 1.0 Assignment 0.02 0.02 0.05 0.04 0.01 1.0 Patrol area 0.07 0.27** 0.02 0.02 0.06 n.a. 1.0 Arrests made 0.06 0.05 0.02 0.36** 0.36** 0.07* 0.02 1.0 Complaints received 0.08* 0.01 0.02 0.23** 0.20** 0.02 0.00 0.31** 1.0
* P <.05 (two-tailed test). ** P <.01 (two-tailed test).
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make index arrests with greater frequency are the most likely to receive more complaints about the use of excessive force.
Discussion
This study represented an attempt to better under- stand the relationship between police officers’ back- ground characteristics, arrest activity, assignment, and citizens’ complaints about excessive force. An exami- nation of the relationships between these factors allowed one to be more confident that observed relationships were genuine rather than spurious, and to assess the relative influence of a range of variables on the frequency with which officers were the subject of use of force complaints. That said, the findings of the study were enlightening as much for what was not found as what was found. For instance, of the officers’ characteristics examined, only age and, to a lesser extent, gender appear to have an impact on the like- lihood of receiving complaints and differentiate high- complaint from low-complaint officers. All else equal, younger officers were more likely to receive more complaints about excessive force than older officers, and female officers were less likely to be the subject of citizen complaints of excessive force than male offi- cers. One interpretation of these findings was that not only were younger (male) officers likely to make more arrests, they may at the same time be more likely to resort more quickly to physical force in arrest situa- tions. Moreover, perhaps both of these tendencies — to make more arrests and to be more physical in these situations — were an effort to create or enhance a sub- culturally valued ‘‘gung-ho’’ or ‘‘kick-ass’’ reputation (Toch, 1995). In the same vein, it appeared that females might be more adept at avoiding violence or de-escalating potentially violent arrest situations, as others have suggested. In addition, female officers, already often at the fringe of the police sub-culture (Worden, 1993), might not be as desirous of a ‘‘hard- nosed’’ reputation as their male counterparts. None of the analyses conducted here would lead one to believe that officers’ race or level of education played a role in the receipt of excessive use of force complaints. Taken as a whole, these findings lead one to question the wisdom of several of the traditional assumptions about how officers with various charac- teristics behave or perform. This study provided no evidence to support the claim that complaints about excessive force were a function of job specialization. It was clear that job specialization was not necessarily an ‘‘organizational evil’’ at least in terms of the propensity of officers assigned to such units to receive complaints about excessive force. Perhaps such tendencies could be
mitigated by proper leadership, supervision, and temporary assignments to such units. Further, complaints did not appear to be a function of the contexts in which officers work. In general, the results did not support the claim that patrol area was related to the likelihood of receiving complaints from citizens. It appeared that officers were at risk of receiving complaints not only from citizens in high- crime areas but from those who live (or work) in lower-crime areas as well. Finally, the strongest evidence provided in this study was that complaints were related to arrests made. The analyses clearly offer the most support for this argument; officers who made more arrests also received more complaints about the use of excessive force. The number of index arrests made seemed to most clearly differentiate officers who received more complaints from those who received few complaints. This conclusion, however, was not an unambiguous one. It was not clear from these analyses whether arrests led to complaints, or the use of force led to arrests being made to ‘‘cover’’ the illegitimate use of force. In any case, the data suggested that arrests came at a price: greater arrest activity was linked to citizen complaints about excessive force. The findings of this study highlighted at least three issues for consideration in future research. First, it would be worthwhile to question further the causal relationship between arrest activity and complaints of excessive force. Specifically, what is the common causal order between arrests and complaints? Are complaints necessarily tied to arrests? Perhaps a useful approach to studying this issue is an examina- tion of the dynamics of the interactions between police officers and citizens in actual encounters — encoun- ters when force is used as well as when it is diverted. The relationship between arrest activity and excessive force complaints may have implications for training, supervision, and performance appraisal systems. Research designed to disentangle and clarify the relationship may inform such policy development. Second, additional efforts that seek to explain the variation in the frequency in which officers’ receive complaints would be worthwhile. Given the purpose of the present study and the nature of these data (officers as the unit of analysis), the focus was limed to the background characteristics of officers, assign- ment, and arrest activity. Remaining pieces of the puzzle may include organizational factors (such as incentive systems and organizational philosophy), situational factors (see Worden, 1995), and additional individual level variables (e.g., officer personality; see Toch, 1995). Finally, it would be beneficial to specify how
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on which excessive force is measured. As such, it would be useful to replicate available studies, includ- ing the present one, with different sources of data for the measurement of excessive force. With such an approach, inconsistencies in findings across studies may be specifically attributed to the nature of the data. Carefully crafted research to address these questions could contribute significantly to an under- standing of police use of excessive force and aid police officials in reducing the frequency of it.
Notes
1. For the most part, these were also the approaches used to analyze other forms of police behavior (see Riksheim & Chermak, 1993; Sherman, 1980; Worden, 1989). 2. Within the departmental computer system, the variables were defined as follows: sex (female/male), race (White/minority), education (competed high school/some college/college degree or more), age (in years), length of service (in years). By necessity, the same measurement schemes are used in these analyses. 3. Theoretically and conceptually, ‘‘menaced verbally’’ is a questionable form of excessive force; however, given the nature of these secondary data, one is forced to accept it. Fortunately, this type of complaint constituted a small proportion of all excessive force complaints filed in this department in 1993 (see footnote 4 below). 4. Based on an analysis of a separate data file on the 2,868 complaints filed in 1993, it was determined that approximately 78 percent of these complaints alleged either ‘‘battery with fist’’ (n = 1118; 39.0 percent of total), ‘‘handled roughly’’ (n=717; 25.0 percent), or ‘‘battery with object’’ (n=404; 14.1 percent). Only 5.9 percent (n=169) alleged ‘‘menaced verbally.’’ In addition, 57 percent of the complaints (n=1634) allegedly involved ‘‘bruises,’’ ‘‘abra- sions,’’ and or ‘‘pain only.’’ Only 2.4 percent of the complaints (n = 68) allegedly involved broken bones, disfigurement, internal injuries, or death. The nature and circumstances of citizens’ alleged injuries in this set of complaints are similar to those reported in other studies (see Alpert & Dunham, 1999). 5. No question, designation of those officers with three or more complaints in 1993 as ‘‘high-complaint’’ officers is an arbitrary one and is guided more by empirical and statistical necessity than theory. Given the requisite data, it would be advisable that officers be placed on a multi-point continuum that captured with more precision the frequency by which officers received complaints (see Toch, 1995). Nonetheless, the rather simple classification scheme used here is not unlike that used by others (e.g., Worden, 1995). 6. Of the 200 officers, 127 received three complaints, forty-seven received four complaints, sixteen received five complaints, five received six complaints, three officers received seven complaints, one officer received eight complaints, and one received nine complaints. 7. Based on crime statistics provided by the department and discussions with departmental personnel, the nine areas identified as the highest crime areas in this study clearly
experience a high level of violent and property crime in relation to the other precincts. Further, these areas were typically identified by officers as the most difficult and demanding to work. As a consequence of these beats being identified as unique in relation to the others, the present classification scheme was used. Different treatments of this variable in the analyses (beats divided in half, beats divided into quartiles) had no appreciable affect on any of the results. 8. The ‘‘all officer sample’’ had the following characteristics: approximately 83 percent of officers were male, 64 percent White, 43 percent completed some college, the mean age of officers was approximately forty years, and on average these officers had twelve years of service. Approximately 92 percent of the officers were assigned to patrol units; of the officers assigned to patrol units, 63 percent worked in the sixteen low-crime areas (precincts). The mean number of index arrests recorded by officers was twelve, while the mean number of total arrests for the year was sixty-six. 9. This study cannot be considered an attempt to explain police use of excessive force because the focus of the research is only on individual-level variables (and the individual as the unit of analysis). Accordingly, the sole purpose of the multivariate analysis is to assess the impact of the independent variables on the dependent variable. As such, the amount of variation explained should be of secondary concern (see Worden, 1989 ,1995 for similar arguments). In addition, given the high correlation between officer age and length of service, length of service was excluded from the OLS regression analysis. For the sake of comparison, the OLS regression analysis was run with length of service included instead of age and the results were virtually identical.
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This I Believe

Ron Borst

July 23, 2012

This I Believe Essay

I Believe Recycling Can Change the World

I like the new definition of green. I have a friend who is a fishing guide down in Winchester Bay, Oregon. Winchester Bay is where the mighty Umpqua River meets the Pacific Ocean. Once, while fishing with my friend Terry, we launched the boat and motored down the bay and dropped anchor. I baited up and I cast my gear, let it sink, clipped the bail and put it in the rod holder. I lit up a Marlboro and grasped my coffee to warm my hands. I sat there drinking my coffee and smoking while I watched the tip of my pole. I finished my cigarette and opened my pack, pulled out a ziplock sandwich bag and put the butt in the bag and zipped it up. As I put the sealed up ziplock back in my pack, Terry smiled. It is more than just not throwing cigarette butts into the ocean, but rather a proactive respect for the environment and your neighbors and our children. Recycling is a huge part of that, and in my opinion, an epidemic that can be reversed. I believe recycling can change the world.

Surveys of landfills worldwide have produced data that show an alarming percentage of recyclables in the landfills. Ocean surveys have produced disturbing amounts of plastic in the water column that house a majority of ocean life. The results of these two surveys and their effects can be traced directly to humans. Much of this, or even most of this waste, could be reversed with better recycling practices and an active civic spirit from me and you. 

 

I believe an expanded policy of recycling is in order, and education is the beginning of this process. By implementing education at the grade school level, and educating the general public, we can start to implement a more efficient re-use of daily materials.

I believe the next step is encouraging youth to pursue innovation, civic activity, reform, and even careers in recycling. An awesome example of this is Oregon's own Focus the Nation, a non-profit located in Portland, Oregon. I believe what they are doing is crucial to environmental change and an awareness that creates proper recycling practice. Their web address is: www.focusthenation.org.

So what do we do at home to facilitate better recycling practices? A few simple things such as treating the material as valuable and separating it into containers to recycle, is a great start. Things that get put out with the trash routinely could be a part of this process of better recycling. Examples of some of these materials are: plastic grocery bags, cereal box liners, egg cartons, the plastic six pack holder, electronics, appliances, light bulbs, batteries and most paper and plastic products. 

 

I believe a change in recycling attitude can lead to a more productive recycle and re-use social awareness. Taking on better personal practices, encouraging legal change, and teaching our children better environmental nature can only be a positive to humans, Mother Earth and all of her creatures.

For further awareness go see www.earth911.com, www.solv.org, and your local garbage company. Ask yourself as you finish this essay, can I recycle more efficiently? I am as true blue as they come and I truly believe in the virtues of recycling.


Note: I wrote this as summer hit in 2012, and the concept is 60 years old. "This I Believe" essays were started on Edward Murrow's 1950's television show, and continue today at thisibelieve.org.

Steelhead Tips Part Five

Colors. They ask it over and over:

"What is the best color for catching steelhead?"

I used to say stuff like, "It depends." Nowadays, I make up some long-winded story about how "certain" combinations will catch the biggest of all steelhead. And in the toughest of conditions. With the worst gear. But, for now, I will tell the truth. Or will I?

In all my history, trampling the muddy banks of emerald streams, two colors stand starkly in the repertoire of steelie luredom. Cherise, a "hot pink" super bright and enticing color to tip a hook with, and chartreuse, the limish, yellowy, ultra bright green.

These colors are popular because they are bright AND natural. The obvious visible aspect is not lost on the natural pink hues that resemble things like shrimp. The typical pink background of maybe a fish gill, or even the striped side of another fish, is enough to mimic reality.

The same can be said for bright greens. The super-visible chartreuse resembles the whites of a fish belly, the color of small baitfish, and sand shrimp. Steelhead love sand shrimp. And that exact point gets us to our tips.

It really does not matter what color you use. It is exponentially more important to have a lure that looks natural. In optimum conditions, a savvy steelheader can catch fish on most gear. Of course, there are subtle differences that come into play as experience grows. In the beginning it should be obvious that bright pink will be more productive in muddy, clouded up water, than say, a brown lure. As the obvious becomes less apparent, it is important to remain tuned in to conditions.

Lures come in every color there is, and sometimes the selection can overwhelm the novice. To those newcomers, I have one lesson: Learn techniques, not colors. After the ways of steelhead fishing are learned, the techniques like knot-tying and rigging, and the ways of the hydrology, color may not be a question. Sometimes, different conditions will change the color(like muddy water), and the choice of a lure may matter slightly. There are many steelheaders that will say things like, "on a sunny day use a silver spinner and on cloudy days use gold, or copper." I would agree, but I also stand by the moniker that "a good steelheader like myself, can catch steelhead in a rain puddle on the street." What this means is, when a steelheader learns good techniques, and studies the river and its fish, knowing "where" the fish are, is the key.

Techniques like sharpening hooks are crucial. If a fisherman chooses the "perfect" color, and a steelhead picks it up, what happens? The hook gets set, gets buried in the boney jaw, and hang on! But if that fisherman does all that without a sharp hook, it will be game over soon. That fish will get away. They know how to dislodge a hook. I have personally seen a steelie nosedive the river bottom, in an attempt to dislodge a hook.

Black is a color that most steelheaders ignore, and that fact brings us back to discussions of "natural", which is what black is. The natural looking silouette is highly productive in many conditions. In the scheme of things, when a fish sees the black lure, whether it be a jig or a spinner(or otherwise), if the things looks or acts "real", then the fisherman has a chance. I have seen fish take the bobber above my jig, and that was at the water's surface. It looked real, like a fish sucking a fly, or oxygen perhaps. But the fact is, black is a potent silouette of prey. The fish had simply made up its mind to investigate.

Red is of course the color of gills, and that is a huge attractor. White, the color of a fish skin. Green, the color of a smallmouth bass or a juvenile ling cod. It is simply to obvious to pass up. Orange is the natural color of roe(spawn sac eggs), and is of course, very attractive.

My roe is cured with sea salt and brown sugar. Nothing else. The methods that took 20 years
perfecting are for sale. But...not many have that
kind money.

My 6-10 pound 9 footer, a steal. On it is a Daiwa clearance find. Spooled with 8lb. Maxima Ultragreen.

Combinations of colors may resemble a particular fish, or a stonefly, but to target where the fish may be is crucial. I truly believe that the instinct to hit, is far too great too ignore. And that utilizing the fish's ability to survive on pure instinct, can be translated in to catching success. In light of that, my final advice is to use small, subtle lures, as they mimic the river surroundings better, and they act natural in the current's flow.

Thank-you for not littering and remember to respect nature, and all of her critters.

Steelhead Tips IV

A few weeks ago, a fella I know, mentioned that steelheading on Pacific Northwest rivers was like Zen. Yes indeed it is, but why?

This issue of  "Tips" will focus on the Zen part of steelheading, as well as ways to ensure robust rivers for our kids and for their own kids as well.

The Zen is an ancient Chinese practice of attaining enlightenment. It is an integral part of Buddhism, and has been very popular in western culture. When one is "Zen", one is at total peace, total enlightenment. Buddhism has deep respect for nature, and that makes moments on the river, "zen-like", and nourishing to one's soul.

Fishing the gin clear mountain streams that I do, it is easy to see and even hear the the quietness. The only sounds, the leaves rustling in the breeze, the water rushing downstream, over moss covered rocks and gravelly sand bars, to the final stop, the ocean. The only sights, the conifer evergreen trees and the sky gray, set the scene like some wonderful nature couch, where we watch our favorite shows.

The ambiance tends to be soothing, and therapeutic. It is my favorite thing to do, hike the Siletz River Gorge with my dogs, in search of chrome.

As we make plans to fish, there are some measures that can enhance the steelhead experience, and make the trip not just memorable, but altogether unforgettable. It took me my whole life to find this "steelie wisdom", but I will share it with you when you click the "Pay Now" link. Thanks!

 Daylight breaks on the lower Alsea River as the moon sets.

Okay, just kidding. Put your credit card away.

STEELHEAD TIP #1: Get ALL gear ready the night before. You don't wrap the kids' gifts on Christmas morning, do ya? Get all your tackle, gear, food & water, survival pack, rainwear, THE NET!, gloves, rubber boots, extra socks, and especially your License & Tag. I even bring an extra pen for the tag.

Tip #2: Gas up the rig early too(the night before). Don't spend the whole morning getting to the river. Get there and cast!

Tip #3: If you fish with the kids, the wife, or the dogs; then preparation for that can make the day enjoyable for the whole crew. The kids need snacks, drinks, and warmth. Always have gloves and mittens. Handwarmers inside gloves and boots do wonders. If you are not used to that, ask mom! She will know where all that stuff is, and exactly what they need.

When you bring the wife, remember that we are seeking "Zen", and some ways to make that happen are: Portable propane heaters. These little space heaters do miracles for the women who are always cold. That's not a bad thing, by the way!

One simple rule for dogs: Bring a 1 Gallon Zip-loc full of dog food. You brought your lunch. Bring the dog's their lunch too.

Tip #4: PRE TIE LEADERS! I tie mine beforehand. To tie on the river, is wasting time that should be spent casting. Or untangling the kids' lines. Pre tie leaders and store them efficiently. I store mine on homemade "rollers" made from cardboard paper towel rollers.

Homemade leader tote. Notice the "8" for 8 pound test.

Tip #5: Be resourceful, like the leader tote. Store gear in re-used containers and re-used packaging. Gamakatsu are my hook of choice. The packaging that these come in, whether quantity 5 or 500, can be used to store lures, lead, yarn, etc...

Tip #6: Sometimes people are rude and sometimes they are rude. In these cases, move on. Better to find the quiet water, instead of arguing and wasting fishing daylight. Find the quiet spots, fish are there too!

Tip#7: Preparation makes the day less stressful. But so does expectation. Have high gratitude and low expectations. Don't be discouraged if the fishing is slow or the rain is hard. Enjoy whatever it is and be grateful!

Moose, my Chocolate Lab that will NOT get his feet wet. Photo from Siletz River Gorge.

Tip #8: Litterbugs. Of all my tips, this is the most important. I will teach you everything I know about these awesome fish and the gorgeous places they haunt, but not if you litter. Thank-you for not littering!

Links: SOLVE: The clean-up Oregon specialists.
          Focus The Nation , creating civic minded youth in Oregon as well as everywhere.

Tip #9: Photos. Of fish, only if you have time. That means preparation is key. Have pliers always ready, and the same for the camera. The window of time for photographing a fish, is less than 10 seconds. If you cannot do it efficiently, with NO stress upon the fish, then do not do it. The experience should be far more gratifying than a photo. But take photos of everything else. The trees and leaves. The rocks. The kids...

Tip #10: Enjoy yourself. Yes, steelhead is a lot of work, but if you prepare and observe, you will learn. Steelhead are called "the fish of a thousand casts", which means it is not like sitting at a hatchery stocker pond. Steelhead fishing takes patience, and then more patience. Live in the moment, and enjoy the sounds of a river, as it meanders downstream, in a repeated cycle of life. Love that life!

                    Self shot with Nikon Coolpix 7600. South Santiam River, fishing with my neighbor.

Inside a Fortune Cookie: What Would Confucius Do?

The Chinese novelty. The American fortune cookie, and most likely a Japanese product. But who cares? Right? They are tasty AND fun.

The sugar(a dozen fortune cookies later, don't ask...) has got me a little excited. The message is even better.

I made a rule beforehand. The first one is your "future", or fortune. The rest are just cookies. Sugar cookies.

"Face facts with dignity."

Wow. How prophet-like, how...true? What is it about an ancient Chinese proverb that is so alluring? Is it the wisdom of Confucius? Or just clever marketing? Maybe just an American's consumerism raging up again, like the worst flu bug you ever saw? Who was Confucius? And did he have anything to do with this newfound wisdom I stumbled upon?

Born in China in 479 B.C., Confucius was not know by that name. He  was known as Kong Qiu, but the translation from Catholic missionaries stuck in the west. Although his father died at a young age, Confucius' mother raised him educated and refined. As a young man, he took as small-time job as an office worker in the government's tax collecting arena. He studied education and after his mother died, and after a long mourning, Confucius entered into teaching.

Although there is no "Bible", there is a history of writings for Confucian practice. The Five Classics and Four Books provide much of the teachings. The basic tone of the teachings are instructions and advice on how to live together, in a harmonious and moral state.

In the social religion, there are creeds, or instructions to live by. These tips for life are meant to provide quality and optimism for life. It breeds respect for family and neighbor. These creeds can be found in the Five Classics and the Four Books, as well as the "Five Great Relationships" and Confucian Virtues.

In the relationships, the five that are at the core of Confucianism, "Father-son, Elder brother-younger brother, Husband-wife, Elder-youth, and Ruler-subject." These relationships suggest an inner peace and respect that is essentially the ideology of the religion. This is further enriched in the teachings of Confucian virtues, five core virtues that encompass a realm of good nature. The virtues are: Ren, meaning kindness; Li, meaning appropriateness; Shu, which is the "Golden Rule"; Xiao, meaning devotion to family; and Wen, meaning respect for culture.

The message in my fortune, about facing facts with dignity, is within the boundaries of Confucianism. It simply is an example of the "social harmony" of the teaching. To accept the facts, no matter how unsatisfactory, is a witness to the religion's teachings of changes, and is present in the Yijing Book in The Five Classics.

The idea that one can exist entirely peaceably, prosperously, and with many numbers of people is an extraordinary belief that transformed the American Chinese food industry. The novel cookie, with its readable and livable message, lives on. The core ideas of Confucius, and his followers, are ideas that permeate critical thought today, so much so, that in the 19th century, Japanese confectioners "created" the fortune cookie. They were sold to Chinese restaurants and soon were an American icon.

They still are.

A photo of "American" Portland, Oregon's "Chinatown", shot with a "Japanese" camera. Seems appropriate for this article. The message from Confucius is universal.

Thank-you for reading, and thanks to Randy Andersen, Michael Molloy, and Stanford University.

Photo by Ronald Borst. Canon XTi & EF 50mm f1.4 USM, Shutter 1/500 second at Aperture 3.2, ISO 800.

Guns In America: A Survey

A few months ago, in the days following Clackamas, I wrote a gun article. The day after I wrote the gun message, Newtown happened. The following weeks saw elevated responses of anti gun pleas for a ban on firearms. None were a solution to gun violence.

My article is also "not the answer", but it IS a means for critical thought discussion about lowering statistics of gun violence, especially among children.

A colleague wanted to expand on my perspective, and take a look at the Concealed Weapons Permit, and its influence on violence. So, I formulated a list of pertinent questions and here they are, along with results and commentary. Feel free to add whatever you think may help.

Thank-you for reading, and for your civic activity. It is appreciated.

 LBCC Students

The LBCC Gun Survey questions were:

1)   Do you own a Concealed Weapons Permit?

2)   Should a permit issued student, be allowed to carry a firearm on LBCC's campus?

3)   Should Security personnel be allowed to carry concealed?

4)   Should LBCC have a stronger police presence?

5)   Should "assault weapons" and ammo be banned?



Interesting questions indeed, and a lot of credit here to Mike Rivera for collaborating on them. The most daunting task, was to get people to actually talk about guns. My camera had most folks a bit apprehensive to be on record. "I just take photos," I reassured most of them.

The first question was a great opener(Thanks Mike!), and generally was answered with a "no", and while this is not surprising, what was surprising was that many were curious about the question. Some asked if I had a permit(I do), and others asked if the concealed weapon permit process was in jeopardy. One person asked, "Is the government taking ALL the guns?"
The results were 15 Yes & 170 No.

The second question was about using the permit on a campus such as LBCC. The idea is to grasp the safety status quo, and the perspective among college dwellers, in regard to a "gun culture" that may exist, or is even destined to exist.
The results were 130 Yes & 46 No.

Question #3 was fairly straight-forward. Security have a job to "secure" the campus. It was not at all surprising to see a favorable approach to trained security staff.
The results were 152 Yes & 22 No.

The status quo of police was not debated. It was merely asked, if campuses like LBCC need a stronger police presence. This question posed some issues with non-LBCC people surveyed. I simply asked if any campus needs MORE police.
The results were 30 Yes & 152 No.

The final question was about a ban, whether on assault weapons, or ammo, or both...In retrospect, this question should have been expanded to ask for suggestions for curbing gun violence. It would provide for awesome feedback, some which may be an excellent solution.
The results were 48 Yes & 138 No.

9mm semi auto, the author's first line in home defense.

The results of this survey are not uniform, as some answered partially. Others just had opinions about certain questions, and some did not want to comment on particular questions. As expected, I saw more pro-gun from males, and less opinions that were "loud" from women. Generally the response was "rights" and "morals", rather than a lead-in to discussions for solutions.

What does the survey say? Well, obviously that people will defend their 2nd Amendment rights, but also the opinion was obvious about government intervention: Your rules don't work! Most people I interviewed, honestly wanted the public to remedy this in the way of "church morals", and that is okay, but I believe the survey says more.

I think the survey spells out the need for better education at the grade-school level. The arena of guns should be taught, as well as society's problems in regard to guns. In my opinion, if kids knew the real consequences, before a scene like Clackamas unfolds, they may be able to avoid it, or even prevent it. In either case, children's lives are saved.

Violence in America: Steven Pinker Part 2 of Better Angels Of Our Nature

In his book, Better Angels Of Our Nature, Steven Pinker writes about violence by way of “older” means, namely places like Rwanda, violent genocide carried by machetes and starvation tactics. Pinker's point, of course, is that humans are always capable of violence, no matter technology.

But the other point is that humans have chosen NOT to carry on with barbaric and violent means. And in effect, humans have become LESS violent. Let's take a look.

In this perspective, I will try to examine Kantian theory, and how democracy grows. I will look at Pinker's “Long Peace”, and try to relate it to our future in Oregon. I will discuss Islam, and America's romantic patriotism.

As I begin, let's compare 1 unremarkable study with 2 unmistakably remarkable ones. In the early pages of Chapter 5 in Pinker, the studies of Arnold Toynbee and Lewis Richardson in the 1950's, shows substantial contrast. In my own study, a 5 question survey about gun control, interesting similarities exist between all 3 studies.

Pinker doesn't blame Toynbee for the pessimistic “In our recent history, war has followed war, and it has been ascending evermore intensely,” for Toynbee was writing at a time of wars and hatred. Pinker at the same time, ventures into Richardson's optimistic “A long future may be without war.” In my gun survey, 95% of the surveyed, did NOT have a Concealed Weapons Permit, but were overwhelmingly pro-gun.

Pinker points to the historian(Toynbee) as to being wrong, and to the mathematician as correct in predicting “the long peace.” And Pinker also questions the 20^th century violence, in a way that validates an “anomaly” status. My question is this: Can they all be wrong?

If we assume somebody is correct, does this make the others wrong? In my gun survey, the line in the sand is obvious, as it is in both Toynbee and Richardson. But only one was right. Why? And since this is about violence, what does my gun survey say about American reliance on guns, and the violent effect?

I would argue that both these men were correct. In is not so hard to predict humankind's behavior in the wake of opportunity, and it is equally not hard to predict the use of force in that newfound opportunity. New Orleans during Katrina is a perfect example, and there are many. Occupy Wall Street, was an example of the powerful reaction that governments make when civilians “forcefully” take over in a civil disobedient sort of way.

And the math is also correct, in regards to generally descending statistics of violence. But as we already know, that descent has, and is, being tested. The question here is, when humans hear the news every day, and hear that somebody somewhere, wants them dead, what does that mean for the progress Pinker has been describing? What does it say about education? Social constructs? Did Richardson ignore the ignorance, in favor of math, because he was searching for an optimistic answer?

Pinker examines the first half of the 20^th century in a graph(Better Angels, pg. 230), and the meteoric rise of death from conflict(Europe) during that time is extraordinary. Pinker cites the religious conflict of the early 17^th century as the only comparable time.

The reasons for this “romantic nationalism”, the idea that states are geographically evolved, and so are the people, comes from the unifying of ethnic groups within an area. The accompanying romantic militarism, the idea that war is “cleansing”, was accepted by more folks than claim to admit.

Does that mean that Pinker, and even Richardson, might be wrong? We are clamoring for educated people to lead the way here, and then Pinker goes off and tells us(pg. 243) that the educated had a hand in this. The question here is this: If a large proportion of educated, preach romantic militarism, who is to say stop? In Art Robinson country, how do educated folks, like OSU/LBCC professor Doug Clark and Harvard's Steven Pinker, convince the masses of the virtues of peaceful conflict resolution? We already know that Khrushchev had a handle on game theory and was “cognitive of war”, but what about the ones that do not know? How can we apply that to Occupy? Or even a traffic stop? When does an idea like Global Zero become a “social ideology”, or even better, a school curriculum?

Pinker explains the essay by Immanuel Kant(Perpetual Peace), as a reasoned democratic approach to statehood that breeds peaceful arenas. I would agree with that, but would ask why it's so defined. And I would ask if statehood itself is arbitrary and racist. Obviously, Utah is “different” than Texas. But they are America, so in the case of Israel and Palestine, what in Pinker's assessment of Kant is lost in those negotiations?

As the magnified look at relations continues in Pinker's Better Angels Of Our Nature, one can only read in awe. The statistics on violent conflict in the latter 20^th century, and specifically from 1980 to present, violence in regard to Islam seems out of proportion with the rest of the world. This struggle with religious ideology is more than it seems. Pinker discusses this as as sort of an oppression that increases conflict and reduces resolution techniques.

And so, my final question, for anyone who wants to answer:

Have humans lost a chance to reconcile with Islam? Has democracy lost its chance to sit with Islam, and learn acceptance?

In the same breath, has right wing America, lost any chance it had with minorities? With women?

And if so, what is the approach in the coming weeks? Years?

One last question...

How have organizations like the CIA, ruined democracy's reputation? Has capitalism led to consumerism, and also lessened the credibility of a democratic state?

Okay, really. Last question: Newtown, in Pinker's words, would be a “violent catastrophe”, but how would he classify the response to the shooting?

 

 Portland Oregon Police brief media on a officer-involved shooting.

 

 Suspect that was shot and killed by police, had showed "violent and engaging behavior."

 

Downtown patrol, preventing violence.

Haiku, about truth in journalism: Journalist In New York City

Journalist In New York City by Ronald Borst

newsroom noise rattles
my ears like a subway train
concentrate on truth




This poem was inspired by journalism in my life, teachers of journalism, and my birthplace- Brooklyn, New York City. The words are meant to put the reader into the mind of a journalist who is not struggling to maintain focus in a biased environment, but instead is struggling with the absence of integrity, that exists around him.

The words are not a reminder to be mindful of ethical responsibilities, they are a lesson.

Me, in Rob Priewe's(JN instructor, LBCC) office.